Cartilla de números de Emergencia en La Paz

 

Borrego, en máxima cacería

 Pagan conservación con costosos permisos de cacería en Estados Unidos

RESERVA INDÍGENA ROCKY BOY, Montana Para la manada de borregos cimarrones, los acantilados rocosos eran un lugar seguro, con abundantes recovecos que se confunden con las rocas grises. Más abajo, el paisaje se desplegaba en un tablero liso de tierra ganadera que se extendía hacia el horizonte. La única amenaza aquí arriba sería para los corderos recién nacidos, susceptibles a que se los llevaran las águilas.

Agachado detrás de unas rocas la primavera del año pasado, Brendan Burns, de 38 años y con una creciente reputación como cazador de borregos y guía, se asomaba sobre la orilla. Los borregos cimarrones tienen sentidos agudos y cuando se asustan, se echan a correr. Pero los animales no se encontraban en casa. Entre el panorama a sus pies, Burns divisó un grupo de diminutos puntos en una pradera lejana. Los cuernos los delataban.

"No hay muchos círculos en la vida silvestre", murmuró Burns. "Cuando uno ve algo curvo-y como que brilla, porque tienen una especie de res- plandor- aprendes a detectarlos. Simplemente entrenas la vista para ello".

Hace 8 años, no había borregos aquí. Luego 21 corderas y cinco carneros jóvenes fueron trasplantados a la Reserva Rocky Boy de la Tribu Chippewa-Cree.

La manada rápidamente creció a cien, y 40 fueron reubicados en Dakota del Sur. Ha vuelto a superar los cien, y es probable que otros 40 sean trasplantados esta primavera, como parte de extensos intentos para volver a sembrar las poblaciones de borregos que son una fracción de lo que solían ser en el Oeste.

"Obviamente no hay coyotes alrededor, para que (los borregos) estén tan abajo y se sien- tan cómodos”, explicó Burns. "Éste es un día agradable para ser un borrego".

En este grupo, Burns contó 38 borregos, incluyendo 11 carneros. "El gris al centro es el más viejo", dijo. "Probablemente regresaremos y lo cazaremos en el otoño".

Un hombre de Michigan había pagado US$100 mil por la única oportunidad del año para cazar un borrego de la manada en la Reserva Rocky Boy. Burns lo llevó allí en octubre, y los hombres recorrieron el terreno empinado y rocoso durante días antes de lograr un tiro limpio. El carnero tenía 10 años, con una cicatriz en la frente, un ojo empañado y le faltaban varios dientes.

Sus enormes cuernos y unos 77 libras de carne fueron llevados de regreso a Michigan en un remolque. A cambio, la tribu Chippewa-Cree en Rocky Boy recibió los cien mil dólares, que fueron usados para financiar a dos guardabosques tribales.

Es una paradoja de la cacería, raras veces tan evidente como con el borrego cimarrón: los cazadores con frecuencia son los principales conservacionistas. En el 2013, un permiso en Montana se vendió en US$480 mil, un récord aún vigente. El resultado fue un enorme carnero, y cientos de miles de dólares que se destinaron al presupuesto del Departamento de Pesca, Vida Silvestre y Parques de Montana.

"En cuanto a que la caza de bo- rregos es un deporte de ricos, eso es totalmente cierto", dijo Vance Corrigan, de 84 años, que vive en Montana y es uno de los cazadores de caza mayor más consumados del mundo. "Pero si no fuera por los ricos, estos borregos no estarían ahí".

'Deporte de ricos'

En la convención de la Wild Sheep Foundation cada enero, permisos individuales de caza de diversos estados, provincias y reservas indí- genas son subastados a los mejores postores.

"La gente que paga US$300 mil por uno simplemente está pagando para recuperar 30 borregos a lugares que no han tenido borregos en cien años", dijo Corrigan.

Algunos han estimado que hubo millones de borregos cimarrones en América del Norte hace 200 años. Pero para los años 50, expulsados por la gente y diezmados por enfermedades, la población disminuyó a decenas de miles.

Los esfuerzos de conservación salvaron a los borregos y han expandido su territorio. Hoy hay casi 200 mil borregos cimarrones en América del Norte.

Por lo general, hay dos formas de cazar a esta especie. Una es la versión de la lotería -pagar unos cuantos dólares y hacer solicitud para una de las limitadas licencias que se sortean.

La segunda es gastar mucho dinero. Mientras que los residentes por lo regular pueden cazar borregos dentro de su propio estado, provincia o territorio, se exige que los no residentes contraten a un experto calificado en actividades al aire libre. Las leyes de la oferta y la de- manda elevan el precio de la caza del borrego cimarrón a entre 25 y US$50 mil en Estados Unidos. Las cacerías en México pueden alcanzar los cien mil dólares.

Unos cuantos ricos pagan más de eso. Pujan por permisos exclusivos que son subastados anualmente para recaudar dinero para estados, provincias y reservas indígenas, considerando su derrochador gasto como una donación de caridad, una deducción de impuestos y una oportunidad de capturar uno de los máximos trofeos de la cacería. Lo que no compran es un trofeo fácil.

"Hay que subir la montaña. Será mucho más difícil para el cuate rico y gordo", dijo Lance Kronberger, dueño de Freelance Outdoor Adventures en Alaska y guía de caza mayor de todo tipo. "Cualquiera puede matar un oso si se sienta en la playa o junto al río el tiempo suficiente. Podría llevar a un cuate en silla de ruedas y conseguirle un oso. Puedes ir y conseguir tu venado, tu alce. Pero no puedes hacer eso con el borrego cimarrón, Tienes que ir y cazarlo".

Subastas para permisos

Burns se encontraba sentado en un salón de baile en Reno, Nevada. Era un viernes de enero, y había unas mil personas sentadas en cien mesas redondas, y acababan de comer el único platillo ofrecido: filete.

En el escenario estaba un subas- tador. El siguiente artículo a subastarse, el Número 15, era el Permiso para el Borrego Cimarrón del Desierto de California.

Burns luce pocas señales de ser un cazador de clase mundial o un ejecutivo de KUIU, una compañia de rápido crecimiento de equipo y ropa de cacería. Mantenía su teléfono pegado a la oreja. La voz al otro lado era la de Jason Hairston, de 45 años y fundador de KUIU.

Hairston deseaba el permiso de California. Un año antes, fue el último en abandonar la puja.

La noche de la subasta era el día de la toma de posesión presencial y Hairston se encontraba en Washington en un baile inaugural. Le pasó el teléfono a su esposa, Kirstyn. Temerosa de que su esposo pudiera salirse y quedar decepcionado  de nuevo, la mujer quería hacer la puja a través de Burns.

El subastador abrió la puja en 100 mil dólares. Otros cuatro postores rápidamente elevaron la cantidad a US$135 mil. El precio cobró impulso hasta que sólo Burns y otro postor seguían elevando aún más el precio. Cuando Burns aceptó elevar la oferta a US$235 mil, no hubo respuesta. El permiso se va a la una, se va a las dos, vendido. Burns terminó la llamada.

"No hay garantías, dijo Hairston. "La caza de borregos empieza el l de noviembre".

Cace o no cace un carnero, el Departamento de Pesca y Vida Silvestre de California recibe el 95 por ciento del precio de la subasta -en este caso US$223 mil 250. Eso se destina a un presupuesto general de caza mayor de US$10 millones. El dinero paga a empleados específicos para borregos y esfuerzos de conservación, como inspecciones en helicóptero y capturas para realizar exámenes médicos a animales y monitorear su salud y sus movimientos.

En total, la subasta de 30 permisos en el curso de tres noches en Reno recauda unos US$3 millones cada año. La Wild Sheep Foundation añade dinero a ese total y, el año pasado, donó US$4.7 millones para los esfuerzos de conservación.

Pero tales esfuerzos han creado un dilema. Los números de borregos cimarrones están al alza, lo que lleva a algunos estados a elevar el número de permisos disponibles mediante las loterías. A su vez, más cazadores pueden elevar la competencia por carneros superiores, lo que puede reducir el precio de un permiso en una subasta, perjudicando así los presupuestos de los involucrados en la conservación.

Cacería memorable

En el 2012, un amigo envió a Burns una fotografía de un carnero que había visto en la zona Bob Marshall Wilderness, más de 400 mil hectáreas de bosque y granito. Burns convirtió a la foto en su screen saver y al carnero en su objetivo.

Burns ha ayudado en muchas cacerías, pero no podría darse el lujo de comprar un permiso en una subasta. Durante años, solicitó en vano permisos mediante el sistema de lotería.

Su nombre salió sorteado en el 2015.

Ese otoño, Burns pasó 22 días recorriendo el Bob, como se le conoce a la zona, cargando un arco y buscando a su borrego. Calcula que caminó unos 240 kilómetros.

Halló a su carnero el día 23. Llamó al amigo que divisó primero al carnero y le pidió que fuera. El amigo caminó 10 horas toda la noche para estar ahí.

Esa mañana, Burns se deslizó en silencio a su posición, buscando el ángulo correcto. Logró acercarse, pero la manada lo percibió con el olfato, se alejó y se volvió a asentar. Burns se colocó a unos 70 metros.

La flecha penetró al carnero por atrás de la espaldilla. Corrió unos 90 metros y cayó muerto. Burns y su amigo desollaron y limpiaron al animal. Empacaron casi 45 kilos de carne, unos 20 kilos de la cabeza y los cuernos, y toda la piel del borrego.

El carnero tenía 13 años y medio. Sus cuernos, medidos con una fórmula que combina la longitud y la masa, marcaron 189 5/8, que se cree que fue el carnero más grande abatido por un arco en América del Norte ese año. En la feria de la Wild Sheep Foundation en Reno, Burns ganó el premio para el "máximo borrego cimarrón en tiro con arco", proclamado en una gran hebilla de cinturón.

Unos meses después de la cacería, varios kilos de la carne del carnero ardían en el asador del patio trasero, y la cabeza y los enormes cuernos estaban en una mesa de trabajo en la cochera. Burns imaginaba que algún día la montaría, pero dijo que el premio era el recuerdo, no el trofeo.

"Fue la caza más grandiosa de mi vida", dijo. "Cada vez que lo veo sonrío".

INRA now says Mennonite colony is legal and was 'victim' of land trafficking

 The agrarian entity affirms that the colonists must move back more than 2,000 hectares because they occupy a property ceded to Iniaf and a community of which there are no records of activity. It gave 15 days for the Mennonites to vacate this space.

Contradictions arise that cast doubt on the real motives for the eviction of the Valle Verde Mennonite community, located in the locality of Quimome in the municipality of San José de Chiquitos. After describing this group as illegal and calling them foreigners, yesterday the National Institute of Agrarian Reform (INRA) assured that their settlement is legal, but that it exceeded its extension, so they will only have to move their colony to more than 2,000 hectares. In addition, it implied that the group was a victim of land trafficking and urged them to follow the corresponding legal measures.

However, the entity was categorical in stating that the community must abandon the disputed space that was granted as usufruct to the National Institute for Agricultural and Forestry Innovation (Iniaf) (860 hectares) and another part ceded to the 19 de Noviembre community with 1,400 hectares.

It is legal

In declarations to Bolivia TV, the national director of INRA, Eulogio Núñez, assured that the Mennonite colony is legal, but that it extended its limits over a fiscal property and that the solution to the conflict is to move its community.

"They simply have to move back a little bit to their colony, which is legal. What has happened is like an overflow of this colony, which suddenly also encroached on lands that were in usufruct of the Iniaf and of this community that is authorized," he remarked.

In another interview with Bolivia TV, the director of INRA in Santa Cruz, Adalberto Rojas, like Núñez, recognized that the Mennonite community is legal and that it has more than 7,000 hectares.

He assured that the eviction is from the occupied public lands and that they will not be left without land, because "nobody will take anything from them".

By means of a communiqué, yesterday the entity reiterated the measure and said that "there are pending tasks concerning inventories and removal that in a maximum period of 15 days must be concluded, according to the commitment subscribed by the occupants. These actions will be carried out under the supervision of INRA and police protection".

In addition, the entity assured that if some of the evicted Mennonites were victims of land trafficking, they must make the corresponding resignation.

"If the evicted Mennonites had been victims of land trafficking, they should go to the ordinary justice system for investigation and application of criminal sanctions, if appropriate," the entity assured in its statement.

It also assured that the 19 de Noviembre community has a Settlement Authorization Resolution issued on February 18, 2016.

However, the Mennonites' lawyer, Alejandro Altamirano, specified that INRA itself revoked this settlement. 

"The same agrarian entity carried out an on-site inspection and found that the farmers did not work the land, so it totally annulled the settlement permit," he explained and maintained that

the expansion was not irregular, but in 2009 they bought the 2,000 hectare property called Guayacanes from a couple.

This couple even had documentation dating back to 1992, when Iniafa did not exist. So, he assured that the communities have all the documentation that supports the operation.

"This is a political issue and what is intended is to settle an intercultural community November 19. That is what is happening. The community has not been able to be evicted," he said.

He added that if what Núñez said was true, "the agrarian file should have been annulled". "Subsequently, the cancellation of the registry where the name of the legal representatives of the registry is registered in the Real Rights Registry should have been made". 

36 former ministers say Evo is not a drug trafficker

On the other hand, at least 40 former ministers of the former president, among them Quintana, Huanacuni, San Miguel, Aguilar and Heredia, who are very close to Morales, did not sign the document supporting the former president.

Through an official communiqué, 36 former ministers of Evo Morales "closed ranks" yesterday around the former president and assured that he is not involved in drug trafficking, despite the fact that there is no formal accusation. Former minister Teresa Morales affirmed: "I put my hands in the fire (for him)".

Meanwhile, at least 40 other former ministers, among them the presidents Luis Arce and David Choquehuanca, did not sign the letter, nor did others such as Juan Ramón Quintana, Wálker San Miguel, Claudia Peña and Nila Heredia, among others.

The former ministers Javier Zavaleta, of Labor; Morales, of Productive Development and Alanoca, of Cultures, gave a press conference in which they declared their "indignation in the face of the attacks against former President Evo Morales. This campaign seeks to discredit Morales' image by maliciously linking him to illegal drug trafficking activities in which some former police chiefs and officials have been involved," read Alanoca.

On January 22, when he was being taken to jail, former anti-drug chief Maximiliano Dávila lashed out at the current Minister of Government, Eduardo del Castillo, whom he accused of wanting to incriminate Morales in the drug trafficking investigation.

In the document they also support former vice-president Álvaro García Linera and the current presidents. "Neither Álvaro nor Luis Arce and David Choquehuanca nor any of us (former ministers) ever had any relation with this type of crimes and such accusations are nothing more than a great infamy".

The statement was made public, despite the fact that there is no official accusation against the former president. The position of a sector of MAS comes at a time when the United States offered a reward of five million dollars for the former head of the anti-drug fight, Dávila.

On February 6, Morales declared that he feels persecuted by the US. "It is the Government's task and we cannot be persecuted by the right wing and the US embassy, we cannot continue to be persecuted".

In addition, yesterday it was learned that the Colombian-Venezuelan Álex Saab, alleged front man of the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, was a DEA agent and cooperated with the US for a year in a "proactive" way about his illicit activities and contracts with the Venezuelan government. He was going to turn himself in to US justice, according to disclosed court documents to which Efe had access. 

"Hands to the fire".

The former Minister of Productive Development Teresa Morales pointed out that the 36 former authorities "close ranks" around Morales, for whom they also "put their hands in the fire".

"Yes, we close ranks and put our hands in the fire for former President Evo Morales in this matter, which the media is unjustly accusing him of," said Morales, who was also head of the Financial Investigations Unit (UIF).

The former ministers believe that there is a persecution against the head of MAS "based on unfounded slander", then they call on the people "not to get carried away by the campaign of alleged investigators and media that with dubious moral interests lend themselves to the game". 

POINT OF VIEW 
Paul Coca
Political Analyst
"The one who explains gets complicated".

The fact that former ministers of Evo Morales appear with this communiqué has logic that the one who explains is complicated and so it will always be, the one who explains is complicated. 

And the ex-ministers who did not sign this document for whatever reason, does not mean that these ex-authorities are against Evo Morales, because later when the public opinion says that they have not signed, they will appear saying for this reason, for distance, any excuse.

Now, blaming the press, the public opinion, the right wing, the United States is a MAS discourse that at the time had political impact, but it turns out that today it is tiring, repetitive, boring and does not generate any kind of impact, because it became a MAS cliché.

This communiqué to Evo Morales is going to harm him more, because former ministers come out to justify it, to explain something that is already in question before the national public opinion.

Besides, as there is no impartial justice, this helps to question Morales even more. In this issue of drug trafficking there are attacks against the Government and against Evo Morales, however, politically speaking Luis Arce can be a winner, because the political opposition does not have the absolute capacity to generate a gain on the issue.

Arce is the winner, because at the end of the day the president can take the case: whether or not to extradite Dávila or to make reforms to the anti-drug policy in Bolivia. Arce has more to gain than Morales.

 

 

The 36 former ministers who signed the endorsement

Among the former ministers who signed the document backing Evo Morales are Sacha Llorenti, Teresa Morales and Javier Zavaleta.

The list: Amanda Dávila, Carlos Romero, Alberto Echazú, Javier Zabaleta, Vladimir Sánchez, José Pimentel, Wilma Alanoca, Celima Torrico, Hugo Moldiz, Casimira Rodríguez, Teresa Morales, Susana Rivero, Marco Machicado, Óscar Coca, Alfredo Rada, Daniel Santalla, Sacha Llorenti, Fernando Vincenti, Tito Montaño, Nélida Sifuentes, Milton Claros, Nardy Suxo, Pablo Groux, Noel Aguirre, Rafael Alarcón, Iván Canelas, Nemesia Achacollo, Juan José Sosa, Guillermo Dalence, Patricia Ballivián and Ariana Campero. 

 

The 40 former ministers who did not sign

The list: Luis Arce, David Choquehuanca, Elizabeth Salguero, Juan Ramón Quintana, W. San Miguel, Abel Mamani, R. Aguilar, José Zamora, Juan C. Calvimontes, F. Huanacuni, Mariana Prado, Alicia Muñoz, Milton Gómez, Carmen Trujillo, Héctor Arce, Elisabeth Arismendi, Saúl Avalos, Víctor Cáceres, Magdalena Cajías, Viviana Caro, Wilfredo Chávez, Calixto Chipana, C. Cocarico, Reymi Ferreira, Santiago Gálvez, Mario Guillén, José L. Gutiérrez, Sandra Gutiérrez, Nila Heredia, Gonzalo Hurtado, Hernán Larrazábal, Pablo Menacho, Jorge Ledezma, Wálter Delgadillo, Ramiro Tapia, Julia Ramos, Jerjes Mercado, Mabel Monje, Claudia Peña and Hugo Salvatierra.

Health plans to perform seven bone marrow transplants on children with cancer this year

 According to estimates by Bolivian specialists, out of 100 children who could suffer from leukemia in the country, only five require or are candidates for transplants.

Seven bone marrow transplants are scheduled for this 2022 for the benefit of children suffering from cancer, announced Wednesday the Minister of Health, Jeyson Auza.

"On December 24, a bone marrow transplant treatment was performed on a 3-year-old boy, which was successful. We have three in the pipeline and we plan to perform seven hematopoietic progenitor transplants (bone marrow) for this year," announced the authority.

According to calculations made by Bolivian specialists, out of 100 children who could suffer from leukemia in the country, only five require or are candidates for transplants, which is why we will start with that number "in relation to autologous transplants".

Auza remarked that about Bs 39 million have been invested in infrastructure, equipment and highly qualified personnel.

"Our children will no longer have to travel abroad and they will not have to invest those 80 to 100,000 dollars, the treatment will be completely free for them", he added.

He emphasized that this is the beginning of a long way to go in order to solve the great problem of the advance of cancer in the country, which is why this service is now available free of charge for the entire population. 

Bone marrow transplant or Hematopoietic Progenitor Cell Transplant (HPCT) is a widely accepted procedure for the treatment of congenital and acquired bone marrow diseases, solid tumors and metabolic alterations.

2019 crisis versions reach relator and Añez weakens

Ribera asked the jurist to visit her mother. The government reported that the former president's vital signs are within "normal parameters".

The versions about what happened at the end of 2019 yesterday dominated the second day of the visit of Diego García-Sayán, Special Rapporteur of the United Nations (UN) on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers. The representative met with authorities of the Departmental Court of Justice of La Paz (TDJ) and a letter from the former president Jeanine Añez to the jurist on the subject was made public.

García-Sayán held a meeting with representatives of the TDJ of La Paz, at its headquarters in downtown La Paz. In the meeting, according to information provided by this media, the representative had planned to learn about the so-called coup d'état case.

After the meeting, the TDJ of La Paz limited itself to disseminate photographs of the meeting through its social networks.

García-Sayán left the premises without making any statement to the press.  A group of people from the Fejuve led by Jesús Vera held a demonstration in the vicinity of the judicial headquarters. When the UN rapporteur was on his way to a vehicle, they shouted "justice!".

Vera, in statements to the press, asked García-Sayán to receive them to know "the truth" of the neighbors of the city of La Paz about the crisis at the end of 2019. "When there has been the coup d'état by Mrs. Añez, in the city of La Paz, the first social organization that has been intervened in an irregular way and with paramilitary groups has been the Fejuve La Paz", indicated the leader. 

Añez's defense, on the other hand, made public a letter from the former president addressed to the UN rapporteur, dated February 15, in which she informs him of "the public evidence of the flagrant interference of the political power and the Executive Branch in the Judicial Branch".

"In the official page of the Ministry of Justice, Minister Iván Lima Magne claims to have demonstrated that there was a coup in Bolivia, without there being to date any investigation framed in the Political Constitution of the State and in charge of the Maximum Supreme Court of Justice to assert such recklessness", reads the letter.

In the letter, Añez shows the "evidence" through four axes, which are: ordinary processes against a former President of the State, the interference of the Ministry of Justice, the interference of the Ministry of Government and the interference of the Attorney General's Office and the Executive.

In the case of the Ministries of Justice and Government, he cites at least eight declarations of authorities of those offices. Among those he mentions is the following: "In March 2021, the Minister of Justice, Iván Lima Magne, publicly confessed that 'because we did not have the 2/3 of the Assembly and we had to build a case, you could not go with such a serious accusation on day one...".

From Añez's Twitter account, it was reported that the former president would give García-Sayán 17 proofs of the interference of the Executive in the Judicial Branch and the Prosecutor's Office. However, the rapporteur did not visit her. 

The exmandataria completed her eighth day of strike yesterday. "I feel weak, with headaches," she tweeted.

Her daughter, Carolina Ribera, asked García-Sayán to meet with the former president. "Let her have an audience with my mother, let her visit her here in the Miraflores prison so that she herself can tell her about all the injustices that have taken place in these months, all the trials and the fabricated crimes," she maintained. 

Alain De Canedo, lawyer of the former president, said that Añez is weakening and regretted that nobody cares. "The former president is weak. Her life is running out, and nobody, absolutely nobody, cares. I really see with great impotence the indolence of the human being, especially of the Bolivian society, especially of the political class. This lady is dying and nobody cares".

The Penitentiary Regime, through a press release, indicated that Añez underwent three medical check-ups yesterday and that her vital signs are "within normal parameters".

García-Sayán also met with the presidents of the Senate and Deputies, Andrónico Rodríguez and Freddy Mamani, who gave him a plaque and a scarf. He also held a meeting with the presidents of the Justice and Constitution commissions of both chambers, all presided by MAS legislators.

The rapporteur was interested in the pre-selection of candidates for high positions in the Judiciary, said Deputy Juan José Jáuregui, president of the Constitution Commission. 

The Government of Potosí acquired another five vehicles in the "gray" market

 The Governor's Office purchased five vehicles for the Police. They entered the country as 'reconditioned'. With this modality they paid less taxes

In addition to the 41 ambulances acquired with irregularities, the Governor's Office of Potosí purchased another five vehicles from Estefals Logistics. Unlike the first case, the units are in the country and were paid for.

However, in both cases, the seller of the vehicles went to the "gray" market through a supplier operating from Chile, according to information compiled by EL DEBER.

The vehicles arrived on December 28 and 30, 2021 at the Police Maintenance Center (Cemapol), according to the two delivery certificates signed within the terms established in two other contracts signed by Governor Jhonny Mamani, between November and December 2021. The contracting was direct and only this company participated in the bidding process.

These vehicles were registered on December 31 in the RUAT of the municipality of Potosí with license plates: 5691-YDF; 5680-IGH; 5680-IFE; 5680-IHL, and 5691-YCC. 

In this system, the Governor's name appears as the legal representative of these assets, which are property of the Governor's Office.

The origin of these five vans is Thailand. They arrived in the country in October 2021 through the Industrial Free Trade Zone of Patacamaya with an "under-invoiced" price of US$ 25,000, less than what the Governor's Office paid for these goods. In addition, the vehicles paid a lower tax because they were treated as "reconditioned", according to their Single Import Declaration (DUI).

The manager of the Bolivian Automotive Chamber, Luis Encinas, explained that companies such as Logistics buy vehicles in "grey" markets and import them with an "under-invoiced price in Iquique (Chile)", lower than the real cost, in order to avoid taxes.

Contracts

The Governor's Office of Potosí signed four contracts with Estefals and Governor Jhonny Mamani announced that these would be annulled. However, in the case of the motorcycles for the Police, these were already delivered and have license plates with the proper registration before the RUAT.